Justice delayed, justice denied

The People's United Democratic Movement of Swaziland

Justice delayed, justice denied

On January 20, 2006, the office of the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) succeeded in delaying the bail hearing for the sixteen political activists facing high treason charges in Swaziland. The hearing was rescheduled for March 7, 2006 after the DPP argued that it was unable to proceed because the South African-based prosecution team was not ready.
This is the first stage of the DPP's plan to use its South African prosecutors to do the regime's dirty work. In this instance, the DPP is hiding behind the hired prosecutors to deny justice to the sixteen detainees. We regard the DPP's argument as a time-buying exercise, which has three objectives.

Firstly , the DPP has not thus far come up with a credible explanation to support its opposition to the bail application. We believe that the DPP has no credible explanation and is playing for time in the hope that it, or the South African lawyers it has employed, will come up with something which will not be laughed out in court. The rescheduling of the bail hearing allows the DPP time to cast about for some credible argument. In the interim, the state will continue to use the media to create a powerful public image of the detainees as serious threats with an established local and external network. As shown in numerous official statements, the intention is to convince the public that the danger is real and there are still "bombers" out there who are intent on continuing the "bombing".

The recent petrol bombing of two public schools (see The Times of Swaziland, January 24, 2006) presents an opportunity for the state to strengthen this image and justify more arrests and the continued detention of the sixteen pro-democracy activists. In every society schools are important symbols of nation building and they are places used by children. In Swaziland, ordinary families largely fund public schools and it is they who will be required to pay for the damage. Many of these families are poverty stricken and will be hard hit by these unexpected costs. Occurring just a few days before the beginning of the new term, the recent incidents are highly likely to generate anger and panic in the community. The nightmare spectre of further petrol bombings will haunt many parents. The state is hoping to use the recent incidents to generate maximum public panic by portraying them as an attack against progress, the community and most importantly as an attack and threat against the vulnerable - children.

The school attacks are likely to achieve the state's objective to generate mass public panic. Swazis are now being told that there are "bombers" who are threatening the country and who have even targeted their children. On the other hand, their government is committing torture and arresting more and more people without having to justify these arrests under law. It is well-known that the aim of torture and mass arrest is primarily to subdue and oppress the mass population. By subjecting a few pro-democracy activists to inhumane conditions, the majority is frightened into submission. As the regime plays out its show, the population will become more and more frightened and traumatised - threatened both by the spectre of the "bombers" on one side and state terrorism on the other.

Any population experiencing this kind of fear is vulnerable to manipulation and increased control by the ruling regime. People will often agree to government actions that they would have previously resisted - they will pay almost any price if they think that it will buy them safety from the threats. We expect that the regime will exploit this vulnerability to the full.

Secondly , the new date for the bail application case is of particular interest to political observers. The date for the rescheduled hearing falls after the official opening of parliament in February 10, 2006. At this ceremony, the King delivers his annual state of the nation address. Undoubtedly, the "bombings" and the detention of the sixteen people will be on the King's agenda as he lays the ground for declaring a state of emergency. It is expected that the King will validate dominant official discourses that the "bombings" and the detainees present a real threat to the public.

It would have not been in the state's interest to allow the case to proceed because the government is anxious to maintain the current conditions until the official opening of parliament. If it had allowed the bail application to be heard as scheduled, the state would have taken enormous risks tantamount to playing Russian roulette. The prosecution's case is extremely weak and a decision in favour of the bail applicants would have seriously damaged the credibility of state propaganda and this in turn would have threatened the rule of law. Since the first arrests, the state has been relentless in its attempt to create and validate an image of the detainees as a danger to the public. If the detainees were released on bail, the state's credibility, particularly the argument that the public is fearful of the detainees, would have suffered a severe blow.

The 2-year judicial crisis, which ran from 2002 to 2004, demonstrated that the state has no respect for the rule of law and does not accept the jurisdiction of the courts to rule on the regime's actions. Thus, it is probable that the regime would have disobeyed the decision of the High Court and refused to release the detainees. This would have created another rule of law crisis.

The regime learned a bitter lesson during the 2002-4 crisis - that overt interference in the administration of justice is a bad strategy. During this crisis, the government wobbled under sustained local and international criticism and demand to restore the rule of law. In 2004, it was ultimately rescued by the Commonwealth Secretariat, which created the impression that it had helped solve the crisis. This is far from the truth as the government never agreed to respect the 2002 rulings of the Court of Appeal. For example, the Commissioner of Police and the Ubombo Regional Police Commander were never committed to prison for contempt of court as per the ruling of the Court of Appeal. In relation to the 200 families and their two chiefs who were evicted from their homes by royal order, the Court of Appeal ruled that they be allowed to return without conditions. Some of the families who returned after the Commonwealth intervention did not do so under the terms of the Court of Appeal ruling but under terms prescribed by the royal family. For example, they had to apologise to the King for supposedly bringing the "good" name of the monarchy into disrepute. The Commonwealth Secretariat made much of its partial success in persuading the Government of Swaziland to repeal the controversial Non-Bailable Order, which partially contributed to the 2002/4 rule of law crises. Under this law, people held for offences such as high treason, murder or attempted murder were denied the right to apply for bail.

It is obvious that the regime has no more respect for the rule of law in 2006 than it did in previous years. It has simply learned to be a little more covert and devious in its repression because it has learned that overt intimidation of the judiciary has costs. Thus, although the Non Bailable Order was repealed, the regime has simply used new tactics to achieve the same goal. Currently, the regime's tactic is to abuse established legal procedures in order to detain suspects for prolonged periods without the inconvenience of having to justify these detentions in court. This is clearly illustrated in the current case, where the regime's capacity to delay the bail hearings without good cause has achieved the same outcome as the Non-Bailable law. The bail hearing is scheduled for March and by that time, some of the detainees will have been in prison for 3 months.

The regime has thus sought to indirectly bypass and emasculate the judicial process rather than direct interference. Whereas the regime has previously sought to control the judiciary by direct physical intimidation, now it seeks control through abuse of legal processes and its power as an employer. Most senior judicial officers, particularly judges of the High Court, serve under short-term contract arrangements. These conditions are counter-productive to the ethos of the independence of the judiciary and have placed members of the judiciary on a tight leash. Consequently, judicial activism in Swaziland is virtually nonexistent and the courts are helpless in protecting their integrity and Swazi citizens against state abuse. Whether by the Non-Bailable Order or by the current tactics, the outcome is that sixteen people are being tortured in prison without even hearing a detailed account of the charges against them.

Thirdly , as argued in our previous analysis of the arrests, the prolonged detentions constitute severe punishment against citizens who as yet have been convicted of no crime. By delaying the case, the state is abusing the court process to inflict as much pain as possible on the detainees. The detainees are held in degrading conditions with appalling sanitation facilities. At the Big Bend Remand Centre , where PUDEMO's Secretary-General is held, 70 prisoners share one toilet which is often blocked because of overuse. Buckets are then used in overcrowded holding cells as alternatives. There are also reports of continued beatings in detention. PUDEMO Treasurer-General, Vusi Mnisi, was granted a rare visit to the Big Bend Remand Centre. Detainees there told him that they have no clean drinking water, they are being denied access to medical services and are exposed to life-threatening diseases such as malaria. Some of them have injuries sustained during torture and have not been taken to a doctor for more than a month. Prison officers have refused offers from relatives and friends to bring clean drinking water and food to the detainees. By delaying the bail hearing, the government is able to force the detainees to serve another month in inhumane conditions.

Lawyers representing well-known PUDEMO activist, Mphandlana Shongwe, complained at the Manzini Magistrate Court during a remand hearing that their client is being held in solitary confinement at the Matsapa Maximum Security Prison (see Swazi Observer, January 26, 2006). They expressed serious concerns about Shongwe's health and requested the Court to issue an order to have him removed from solitary confinement. The prosecution pretended to be ignorant and used the usual delaying tactic by requesting more time to investigate this issue. Magistrate, Nondumiso Simelane, ruled in favour of the prosecution and rescheduled the matter to 2nd February. Meanwhile Shongwe remains in complete solitary confinement in a very small holding cell. According to The Swazi Observer (Ibid), prison authorities claim that Shongwe is a security risk because they suspect that he might incite a prison revolt.

In essence, the regime is carrying out a sentence on the detainees without ever having the case heard in court. Furthermore, we believe that the detainees are suffering psychological torture in many respects, including the indefinite nature of the detentions and the way in which the regime is able to abuse the judicial system with apparent ease. Denying detainees access to medical services, clean drinking water, exposing them to health hazards and holding a person in solitary confinement is inhuman. It is premeditated cruelty and degrading treatment intended to punish the detainees. All these amounts to physical and psychological torture. Article 1(1) of The UN Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment defines torture as:

…any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity.

In his speech marking the International Human Rights Day on December 10, 2005, Commonwealth Secretary-General Don McKinnon, called for collective action against torture:

wherever it rears its ugly head, and to champion the cause of protecting and aiding those who fall victim to torture…We must remember and champion the rights of any person facing persecution, torture and other human rights abuses. We must acknowledge, too, that inexcusable human rights abuses continue to occur and we must use every resource available to bring such practices to an end.

However, under the leadership of Don McKinnon, the Commonwealth Secretariat has stood in the way of the pro-democracy movement in Swaziland and provided unwavering support to a regime that practices torture. Many international organisations have raised concerns about the detention of pro-democracy activists and the practice of torture in Swaziland. It is astounding that the Commonwealth Secretariat has never questioned gross violations of human rights in Swaziland including the recent torture to death of an innocent woman married to one of the detained pro-democracy activists. The Commonwealth seems unconcerned as it shockingly continues to promote the regime as a symbol of democracy. On its website, the Commonwealth Secretariat displays a caption of King Mswati III presenting the Draft Constitution in 2003 to promote the organisation's ideal of democracy and good governance.

On the other hand, the Commonwealth refuses to work with the pro-democracy movement and actively frustrates efforts by the broader Swazi community to bring about meaningful democratic changes in Swaziland. From 1996 to 2005, the Commonwealth supported and defended a royal family stage-managed constitution making exercise that discriminated against the pro-democracy movement and all civic groups. From its inception, the exercise suffered massive legitimacy problems as the majority of Swazis rejected the discriminatory practices and lack of direction associated with this exercise.

As evidenced in recent developments, this crisis and lack of direction have deepened. When King Mswati III signed the Constitution Bill of 2005 into law, he told the public that the Constitution would come into effect after six months without giving a specific date. However, no legal instrument was ever published to stay the operation of the Constitution to a specific date. The phrase "after six months" is incredibly vague and the public was left to assume that the Constitution would take effect a day after the end of the six month period. Even the Prime Minister made this assumption and embarrassed himself when he told the President of Tanzania that the Constitution would come into effect on January 26, 2005 (see The Swazi Observer, January 24, 2006). After his return from the African Union summit in Sudan, the Prime Minister, Themba Dlamini, was made to eat humble pie when he was hauled in to the royal palace for disciplinary action. The king is the only person who has the final say over the date on which the Constitution will come into effect and he, incredibly, is silent.

This is just another example of how King Mswati III holds the Swazi nation in contempt. It shows that he has ownership of the constitution, not the people. On January 26, 2006, civic and pro-democracy organisations led by the trade union movement presented a petition to communicate just that - that the Swazi nation renounces the constitution. Combined, these formations represent a significant section of the population. From previous experience, it is certain that the government will ignore this because it is not accountable to the public. Even if this petition does not result in immediate action by the government, it is a critical development because it has delegitimised the Constitution and recorded for posterity the Swazi people's resistance and refusal to be silenced. The current regime will not stand in the face of gathering local and international exasperation with the regime's lack of genuine change. The so-called "constitution-making exercise" has been a smokescreen for the regime for 8 years but it no longer has this to hide behind. Its fraudulent pretence at change is becoming painfully obvious to even the most reluctant observers and the Swazi people must know that change will come.

While the regime is in power, it may feel to the Swazi people and to members of the regime that it is going to last forever. But this is not the case and history tells us that even the most oppressive regimes eventually fall. And when they do fall, those who have participated in crimes against humanity, those who have tortured and oppressed their fellow citizens, will be eventually held to account. PUDEMO and other pro-democracy organisations are strong and growing in strength. We WILL bring new governance to Swaziland and provide a system based on law and humanitarian values. Swazis must look forward to that time and although sorely oppressed at this time, can prepare for the changes ahead. Victims and families of victims can keep records of crimes against humanity, of oppression and injustice. These records can include dates, times, places, people and the nature of the crimes. In a functioning democracy, all levels of government are accountable for their actions. This includes the head of government, the police commanders and others in authority who order and permit crimes against humanity as well as those who commit those crimes. There will be no individuals who are untouchable. All are accountable and will be held accountable under the rule of law. All around the world, in Africa and Europe, those who commit such heinous crimes are eventually brought to account.

It is scandalous that the regime continues to find comfort from international organisations such as the Commonwealth. This is one factor helping to delay the inevitable changes ahead for Swaziland. On several occasions, we have challenged the Commonwealth Secretariat to justify and explain its continued support of this evil empire. However, like the regime in Swaziland, the Commonwealth has refused to open dialogue with the pro-democracy movement.

PUDEMO and SWAYOCO appeal to international human rights and humanitarian organisations to write to the Commonwealth and condemn its behaviour in relation to Swaziland. Please also write to the Government of Swaziland demanding that it must, as a matter of urgency, remove Mphandlana Shongwe from solitary confinement and allow all the detainees immediate access to medical services, clean drinking water, food and sanitation.


Address your concerns to:

Mr Don McKinnon
The Commonwealth Secretary-General
Commonwealth Secretariat
Marlborough House, Pall Mall
London SW1Y 5HX
UK
E-mail: info@commonwealth.int

Rabab Fatima
Head of Human Rights Unit
Commonwealth Secretariat
Marlborough House, Pall Mall
London SW1Y 5HX
UK
E-mail: r.fatima@commonwealth.int

Phone: +44 (0)20 7747 6500
Fax: +44(0)20 7930 0827


Letters demanding action for Mphandlana Shongwe and urgent access to medical services clean drinking water, food and sanitation should be addressed to:

Mr Absalom Themba Dlamini
The Prime Minister of Swaziland
Hospital Hill

P.O. Box 395 Mbabane
Swaziland
Southern Africa

E-mail: (Secretary to Cabinet): sec-tocab@realnet.co.sz
OR
msppcu@realnet.co.sz

Phone: +268 404 2251/3
Fax: +268 404 3943


Signed:
Dr. Jabulane Matsebula
PUDEMO Representative
Australia, Asia and the Pacific Region.

For more information contact
Kislon P. Shongwe
Deputy Secretary General PUDEMO based in Swaziland
Cell: 268-611-2351

In South African Contact
Dr Gabriel Mkhumane
PUDEMO representative in Africa based in Johannesburg
Cell: 27-82-707-8384 or 27-72-040-8484

Swazi political activists face death

The People's United Democratic Movement of Swaziland

PUDEMO

International Office

Australia, Asian and the Pacific Region

E-mail: pudemo@yahoo.co.uk

January 1, 2006


Holding the bastards accountable

Two weeks before Christmas, Swaziland police arrested thirteen PUDEMO and SWAYOCO members on various trumped-up charges ranging from arson to attempted murder. These charges have now been upgraded to High Treason which carries a possible sentence of death or life imprisonment. The original charges have been upgraded for no apparently good reason. We challenge the government to explain what it is the activists are alleged to have done and how this can possibly be regarded as treason.

The Director of Public Prosecution, Mumsy Dlamini, has now sought the services of a South African lawyer to prosecute the charges because she knows that these are trumped up charges and she would find it extremely difficult to prove the case against the thirteen. The DDP’s decision also reflects the inefficiency, incompetence and irresponsible spending of this government. Why should taxpayers pay a South African lawyer to do the DDP’s dirty work? There is no justification whatsoever for this spending of public funds which will run into hundreds of thousands of dollars.

This recent development is tragic and sends an unambiguous message to the Swazi nation of the regime’s intent to ruthlessly suppress the movement for democracy. It ends a year in which the Swazi nation witnessed the arrogant imposition of the Commonwealth-sponsored Constitution of the Kingdom of Swaziland Act, 2005. The enactment of this Constitution occurred against the backdrop of massive public disenchantment with the constitution making exercise, particularly the exclusion of political and civic organisations from the process, the absence of public education on constitutional matters and the failure to embrace democracy.

With absolute control over the constitution making exercise and undivided support from the Commonwealth Secretariat, the royal family government was able to enshrine its ruthless policies in the new Constitution. These include the death penalty for treason and violent suppression of political dissent. Section 15(c) of The Constitution of the Kingdom of Swaziland Act, 2005 gives authority to state security forces to kill Swazis “for the purpose of suppressing a riot”. Many people would be horrified to know that the Commonwealth Secretariat helped to develop and gave its seal of approval to a constitution that enshrines the death penalty and gives power to security forces to murder Swazis. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Swaziland Act, 2005 casts serious doubts over the Commonwealth’s claim that it is genuinely committed to the principles of democracy and human rights.

At the 2005 Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOGM) in Malta, the Commonwealth Secretary General, Don McKinnon, let the cat out of the bag in his infamous statement in which he claimed that “…people are beginning to ask…whether building a democracy is really the road to prosperity. Does democracy put food on our tables, clothe our children, put roofs over our heads and give us a future?” (November 25, 2005). It not clear to which people the Secretary General was referring because the call for democracy, a framework for good governance, socio-economic progress and respect for human rights, is a common theme throughout the world. McKinnon is a politician renown for his conservative views in his home country New Zealand, and it is obvious that on this occasion, he was speaking on behalf of tyrants. His statement is a coup against the Commonwealth Harare Declaration of 1991 which places primary emphasis on democracy. It gives comfort to tyrannical regimes within the Commonwealth club which can now confidently use the cliché “people can’t eat democracy” to justify crimes against their people.

As demonstrated in the recent arrests of pro-democracy activists in Swaziland, the Commonwealth-sponsored Constitution has given strength to the government’s violent rage. We are extremely concerned about the thirteen political prisoners and the support the Commonwealth continues to render to this murderous regime. This support has contributed enormously to the destabilisation of our society. Supporting tyrants never creates stability and it does not make sense morally and politically to continue insulating this cruel regime. Through this support, the Commonwealth Secretariat has effectively declared itself an enemy of democracy and a defacto oppressor of our nation. As a liberation movement, we hold the Commonwealth responsible for the arrest and torture of the pro-democracy activists and the continued repression of our people. PUDEMO and SWAYOCO will fight the Commonwealth by intensifying the international campaign to expose the organisation’s agenda to aid repression in Swaziland.

We appeal to the broader international community to condemn and express disgust at the Commonwealth’s support of the repressive regime in Swaziland. The Commonwealth must shape up or ship out of Swaziland if it is not willing to help build democracy by enforcing compliance with the Commonwealth Harare Declaration of 1991. The recent political arrests and the enactment of an anti-democratic constitution seriously undermines the fundamental principles of the Harare Declaration against political persecution, torture, repressive governance and neglect.

Events in the past year indicate that repression in Swaziland and neglect of political responsibility will continue into 2006 and beyond. Swaziland is a failing state with a track-record of years of social, political and economic neglect. Corruption is rife and embedded in most economic and political sectors. Private companies collude with government departments and individuals to plunder the economy through fictitious services and exorbitant costings. Recently, we saw a consultant accounting company collude with the government to award politicians an exorbitant pay rise. There is escalating HIV/AIDS infection with no effective intervention strategy in sight. More than 40% of the population of just over a million people is HIV positive and about 70 000 children are now orphans because of the epidemic. The responsibility for responding to this epidemic has been left to inadequately resourced non-government organisations. Healthcare services in public facilities have declined to an alarming level with patients sharing wards with rats. All the authorities could say is that they are planning to do something about the rat plague at the Mbabane Government Hospital (see The Times of Swaziland December 28, 2005). The rate of poverty continues to rise and there is no long-term strategic plan to reduce the deficit and encourage growth in the economy apart from reducing the public sector workforce by 10,000. This strategy is not visionary for two reasons. Firstly, it is highly possible that the redundancy programme would mostly affect low paid employees and exacerbate the problem of poverty and unemployment. Secondly, the decision ignores the key areas responsible for the deficit and negative economic growth – the current political system, lack of leadership and irresponsible spending by politicians and the royal family household.

This is not our vision for Swaziland. It is our strong belief that the current political system is at the core of the currently disastrous state of the nation. Fixing the political system and building a strong system of responsible governance is PUDEMO’s priority. Unlike the Commonwealth, we strongly believe that democracy can bring social, economic and political prosperity. Swaziland has enormous potential to grow economically but this has been suppressed by bad governance, self-interest and the absence of a bigger vision among generations of politicians. Hence, Swaziland has not been able to aggressively diversify the economy and continues to rely on highly fluid economic industries such as agriculture and textiles. The recent collapse of the world sugar price and closure of a number of local textile industries are testimony to the instability of these investments. Diversification of the economy, eg., expanding from traditional investments such as agriculture to new areas of economic activity remains an elusive vision in Swaziland. The intellectual potential of the nation has not been adequately explored as an economic resource as there has been little investment in technology and other areas of intellectual activity. Furthermore, lack of state leadership has resulted in the failure to develop a culture of efficiency and accountability. Brain drain from Swaziland is a huge problem. Professionals leave Swaziland in large numbers because the political system suppresses intellectual development and freedom. Through fear of reprimand, many intellectuals who stay in Swaziland are trapped in their small cocoons and rarely venture out to express alternative visions for Swaziland.

The arrests of the thirteen pro-democracy activists are an important part of the total strategy to suppress intellectual freedom. In their daily activities in the pro-democracy movement, the thirteen political prisoners have contributed valuable intellectual material to the progress of our nation. We honour and respect this contribution. Their incarceration is a tragic end to a bad year and another step backwards for social, political and economic development. These charges have no basis and we will fight them all the way to the Court of Appeal.

As a liberation movement with strong conviction to act for the good of our nation, we will continue to pursue the royal family government and hold it accountable for its actions. The incarceration of our members is an act of bastardisation and will not defeat our resolve to overthrow this illegitimate regime and make a difference to Swaziland.


Signed:

Dr Jabulane Matsebula

PUDEMO Representative
Australia, Asia and the Pacific Region.

Political Arrests December 2005

The People's United Democratic Movement of Swaziland

PUDEMO

International Office

Australia, Asian and the Pacific Region

E-mail: pudemo@yahoo.co.uk

December 23, 2005



The Government of Swaziland takes political prisoners to avert public criticism against the huge pay rise for politicians


Few days after it was made public that the Government of Swaziland has awarded politicians a three-fold pay rise, twelve members of PUDEMO and its youth wing SWAYOCO were taken prisoners. The charges against the twelve range from manufacturing petrol bombs to arson and attempted murder. These trumped up charges are part of a broader witch-hunt and conspiracy against the pro-democracy movement. They are a way of expressing gratitude to King Mswati III for the huge pay rise. The police explanation of the allegations against the twelve has no credibility and, as it stands, will not see the light of day in court.

Firstly, over the years PUDEMO and SWAYOCO have consistently led direct political challenges to the monarchy repression. Persecution, harassment, imprisonment and violence against the membership of these organisations are a daily occurrence. Consistent with the government policy to depoliticise political issues, the witch-hunt against pro-democracy activists is often disguised as a law and order issue. Over the years, the police and state prosecutors have manufactured evidence against our membership. In most cases charges are dropped before they proceed to court after weeks of torture and interrogation in police lock ups. Cases that have proceeded to court have collapsed because they have failed to provide credible evidence.

However, securing convictions is not the priority of the police and the Director of Public Prosecution. Their objective is to use the criminal investigation provision to inflict as much pain as possible on the general membership of the pro-democracy movement. Swaziland uses and condones torture. At the remand hearings for the current cases, the defence council revealed that some of the twelve suspects were tortured in police lock ups. Before the remand appearance, all twelve suspects were held in secret locations. Some were taken away at night without the knowledge of their families. We expect that the prosecution will lose the case in court but the police have already achieved their objective of punishing pro-democracy activists. In 2002, we saw the collapse of the rule of law for several months as the police and government refused to obey legitimate orders of the judiciary. Now we see the legal process in Swaziland being misused as a political tool, to disguise the punishment of state critics.

Secondly, the current policy which depoliticises political issues and prohibits party politics means that the government is unable to engage with the pro-democracy movement at a political level. As evidenced by the ongoing persecution of our membership, the only way the government can engage with the movement is violence. PUDEMO and SWAYOCO peaceful public protests are always brutally suppressed. For years, the government has made numerous attempts to draw PUDEMO and SWAYOCO into violent confrontation because it has no strategy or will to deal with the political crisis peacefully.

Through the royal family-owned print media The Swazi Observer, the government tried unsuccessfully to link PUDEMO and SWAYOCO with bombing and arson attacks against state infrastructure. Recently, The Swazi Observer was quick to link fresh sporadic arson incidents to PUDEMO. These incidents are highly suspicious and we regard them as yet another attempt by the government and The Swazi Observer to construct PUDEMO and SWAYOCO as violent organisations. We have always maintained our commitment to peaceful political dialogue. We have no interest in this Mickey-Mouse arson activity and it in no way represents our political strategy. Over the years, PUDEMO and SWAYOCO have developed the capacity to crush the regime at a political level. The regime is fearful of this, hence the violent witch-hunt against our membership.

Thirdly, the arrests are designed to ward off public and international criticism against the huge pay rise recently granted to politicians. The pay rise is morally wrong and has generated massive public outcry and disenchantment with the system. By producing political activists as scapegoats for the so-called bomb attacks, the government hopes to sleep well over the Christmas season. However, we have the obligation to make sure that this does not happen and our members are not used as pawns for bad state decision-making. We will pursue the regime for wasting public resources and for the wrongful imprisonment of our members.

We call upon pro-democracy and human rights movements throughout the world to condemn the arrest and torture of the twelve political activists. Please support democracy in Swaziland and demand the immediate release of the twelve. Tell the Government of Swaziland that political persecution and torture have no place in the modern world.

Signed:
Dr Jabulane Matsebula

PUDEMO Representative
Australia, Asia and the Pacific Region

Commonwealth unwilling to take actions against Swaziland

The People's United Democratic Movement of Swaziland

PUDEMO

International Office

Australia, Asian and the Pacific Region

E-mail: pudemo@yahoo.co.uk

Date: July 1, 2004.

Commonwealth Secretary-General, Don McKinnon, unwilling to take actions against the persistent violations of Commonwealth values by the government of Swaziland.

PUDEMO is extremely dissatisfied and profoundly disappointed with the Commonwealth Secretary-General's response to the political situation in Swaziland. We are particularly disturbed by the recent statement in which the Commonwealth Secretariat expressed its absolute satisfaction with the so-called constitutional making exercise. According to the Swazi News (the Saturday publication of the Times of Swaziland, June 26, 2004), the Secretary-General, Don McKinnon, told King Mswati III at the COMESA conference that he is "quite satisfied with the ongoing commitment to promulgating a new constitution".

In our view, the Secretary-General's utterances are irresponsible and misleading. They are totally incongruent with public opinion. As we have recently pointed out in our correspondence to the Commonwealth Secretariat and the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group, the people of Swaziland are extremely dissatisfied with the way in which King Mswati's administration has approached the constitutional issue. As we pointed out in the document, a coalition of political parties and trade unions representing a significant section of the population is legally challenging the validity and legitimacy of the constitutional making process. In accordance with international standards of legal procedures, the process should cease until the matter is heard in the High Court. This means that the Constitutional Drafting Commission (CDC) should stop work with immediate effect. We had hoped that the Commonwealth Secretariat would respect this very important judicial principle.

However, it seems that the organisation has joined the government of Swaziland in its total disregard of the rule of law. It is therefore hypocritical of the Commonwealth Secretariat to claim to be committed to resolving the judicial crisis in Swaziland when it also has little regard for judicial procedures. At the COMESA conference in Uganda, Mr McKinnon told reporters that the Commonwealth Secretariat is working with King Mswati III to resolve the judicial crisis. (Swazi News, June 26, 2004). We call upon the Commonwealth Secretariat to honour its principles of justice and democracy by suspending all of its programmes relating to the constitutional process in Swaziland.

The Commonwealth's position on Swaziland is politically unsustainable and is harming any prospects for a transition to genuine democracy. It is morally wrong and not only misleading to the world but also to the government of Swaziland which is encouraged to believe that it is doing the right thing. The Commonwealth Secretariat knows that a legitimate and democratic constitution can not be achieved under the current arrangement. However, it chose deceit over truth. Even one of the long-term supporters of the absolute monarchy, the United Kingdom, has realised that its position is politically damaging to the country and has publicly expressed its concerns about the lack of progress in resolving the constitutional and judicial crisis. Recently, the British High Commissioner, David Reader, commented that it was time for King Mswati III and his government to take action and implement genuine political change (Swazi Observer, June 15, 2004). When a friend begins to tap you on the shoulder you should realise that it is indeed time to recognise that the game is up.

Mr McKinnon and his organisation must therefore hang their heads in shame for continuing to reward a regime that has caused untold grief amongst the people of Swaziland. According to the Swazi News (June 26, 2004), Mr McKinnon dismissed calls for actions against the government of Swaziland for its persistent violations of the Commonwealth's values and principles contained in the Harare Declaration of 19991. At the COMESA conference, Mr McKinnon told reporters that “we’re not carrying any sort of stick” (ibid). Whilst McKinnon was quick to wave a stick against the Mugabe regime, he is giving King Mswati III bags of carrots. It is time for McKinnon and the Commonwealth Secretariat to realise that the stick is the only language King Mswati III and his cronies understand.

We are extremely unhappy with Mr McKinnon's leadership and have no confidence whatsoever that under his leadership the Commonwealth will take meaningful action to help resolve the political crisis in Swaziland. To insist that King Mswati's administration is making good political progress and that the Commonwealth is "not carrying any sort of stick" is unhelpful. From these utterances, it is now indubitable that the current Commonwealth leadership is not interested in the welfare of the majority of Swazis. We therefore believe that the political situation in Swaziland would benefit from the absence of the Commonwealth Secretariat's intervention. However, we are hopeful that in future a better leadership with strong commitment to promote and enforce the Commonwealth's values without prejudice will emerge.

Signed:
Jabulane Matsebula
The People's United Democratic movement (PUDEMO)
Representative
Australia, Asia and the Pacific Region

Keynote address by PUDEMO President: Youth of Swaziland unite and rise against royal oppression

People’s United Democratic Movement
Keynote address by PUDEMO President – Cde Mario Masuku on the occasion of the official opening of the 7th General Congress of SWAYOCO on the 19th June, 2004

Youth of Swaziland unite and rise against royal oppression
Affirming the decade of liberation through popular and militant youth struggles

President of SWAYOCO,
Members of PUDEMO NEC,
Members of SWAYOCO NEC,
President of PUDEMO Women’s League,
Distinguished guests and allies of our movement,
Fraternal representatives and friends,
Delegates.

Cde chairperson, receive on behalf of the National executive committee of PUDEMO, revolutionary and fraternal greetings from the entire membership of PUDEMO and the mass of the struggling people of our country.

It is an honour for anyone to be afforded the special opportunity to address, let alone open such an esteemed gathering of militants and fighters. But above all, the supreme honour of being the keynote speaker is humbling to say the least.

In our keynote input we seek to avoid saying the expected or convention, but fundamentally to engage intensively with the perspectives as outlined in your well prepared discussion documents. The message we carry with us from our cadres and ordinary people is that the people’s patience has run out and that we are seemingly moving behind the masses. We need to pick up pace and forge ahead as soon as possible, if we are to reclaim our rightful position as the leader of the people’s struggle.

This Congress should be one of the last such gatherings as we prepare our final blow to liquidate the forces of tinkhundla oppression. This imposes upon all of us the duty of ensuring that we plan carefully and prepare a realistic, simple and time-framed action programme, which shall serve to inspire all our people into action.


Cde President,

We also take this opportunity to recognize and appreciate the presence, amongst us, of our esteemed friends and allies, particularly from the South African tripartite alliance who have given us this refuge and the support we need to successfully prosecute the tasks of our revolution.

As we do so, we wish to further take this opportunity to salute President Thabo Mbeki and the ANC-led alliance as whole, for the well deserved overwhelming victory in the recent third general elections of a democratic South Africa. We say to you comrades, you worked so hard and you did it on behalf of all of us on the continent. We pledge to play our part in the struggle to eliminate all obstacles to progress in our continent, by intensifying the struggle in our own country.


We have come a long way in our struggle for democracy

It was 21 years ago, on the rocks and banks of the Mbuluzi river nearly 10 kilometres north of Mbabane, when the finest sons and daughters of the Swazi people gathered to form this glorious people’s movement. They declared for all the people of the world to know that;

“We, the people of Swaziland met on the 6th July, 1983 to form the People’ s United Democratic Movement, to represent fully the interests of the people of Swaziland and to unite them against undemocratic governance, oppression, exploitation, unfair discrimination, corruption, nepotism and favouritism. We declare to the world that Swaziland belongs to all its people regardless of race, colour, sex, religion or social status and that PUDEMO is our true representative. We dedicate ourselves to struggling together in unity until final victory”.

When the leadership of the movement was detained in the now famous TREASON TRIAL of 1991, the urgency of forming a youth movement was brought to the fore, which resulted in the birth of SWAYOCO in 1991. This was informed by the need to “struggle….till final victory”, knowing well that a youth rooted in revolutionary consciousness, is the only guarantor of this declaration. It is the only generation that can both fight, as well as live in that new and democratic society, which inspires it to be impatient, therefore, militant. It is also a generation which has not yet accepted the poisonous virus of royal supremacy and are committed to its eradication for the creation of a just society. It is really encouraging to see how SWAYOCO has lived true to this mandate and has kept the fires burning under the most difficult times.


SWAYOCO and PUDEMO cadres have been on the receiving end of the viciousness of tinkhundla tyranny. Swazi police and army records are the best witnesses of what I am referring to here. Many of you here have been in and out of jail, some of you are still having their cases pending and are out on bail, the Secretary General, Cde Kenneth Kunene and the Chief Political Commissar, Cde Alex Langwenya together with Cdes Roland Rudd, Lynn Mazibuko, Siboniso Ncongwane, Lovemore Mabaso and Chris Dlamini are just examples.

But we say to all of you, your sacrifices are not in vain, the history books are very much alive to the reality of your efforts and the impact you are making in changing our people’s lives for the better through struggle.

There is no doubt we continue to inspire the masses of the people of Swaziland into action around the ideals set out in the People’s manifesto. The struggle to broaden the frontiers of democracy and human dignity are the core demands of the people in their daily struggles for: better working conditions and wages; free trade union activity and the rights to free organization, expression and association in general; an end to the abuse of women and children; an end to the economic crisis and unemployment; a health system that improves the lives of our people; land to the landless and jobs for the jobless; as well as an immediate end to royal-supervised slavery in the name of culture and all the evils of the tinkhundla system.

The crisis of the system have reached a point of irreversibility;

• More than 66% of our people live in grinding poverty, particularly in rural areas
• The HIV and AIDS pandemic has reached a genocidal point, where it threatens to wipe out the entire nation, unless there is urgent response and political will to deal decisively with this national disaster, which is now said to be at 40% of the adult population, thus making Swaziland a world leader in this regard.
• With unemployment at 40%, what hope is there for the majority of our poor people, young people in particular
• The education crisis have exposed the extent to which the regime’s short-sighted royal vision has reached a dead end
• Daily rural people are being kicked out of their land, to make way for royal family members and their friends, thus rendering the majority of our people desperate, because their only source of livelihood is being taken away from them
• In peri-urban areas, townships in particular neo-liberal programmes of transforming land and other basic needs into commodities is turning our people into squatters.

These and many others are just some of the issues that our people are daily being subjected to, and unless we struggle, our very survival is at stake as a people.

What should be done?

We have said it over and over again that this is not the time to lament about the extent of tinkhundla tyranny or the suffering of our people, but this is the time for action. We are here not as pitiful victims of royal oppression, but as militants in struggle against royal oppression.

We proclaim for all to know that we are gathered here to plan how best to prosecute the tasks of the Swazi revolution for the speedy liquidation of the royal monster in our country. We are gathered as militants and freedom fighters committed to the destruction of the tinkhundla system, without offering any apologies.

Therefore, it only makes sense that we should dedicate most of our time to answering the question, what should be done? This is a practical question which seeks to challenge our most creative energies into motion. It brings to the fore the issue of how far are we prepared to take our declared commitment of fighting against oppression. Are we seeing this goal realized soon or we are referring to some distant dream, when we say we want a democratic and free Swaziland.

PUDEMO has consistently stated that we must “intensify an all-round offensive against the system of royal oppression in our country”, as a pre-condition for the successful advance towards democracy. In this regard, your discussion documents correctly refer to three primary tasks of the Swazi revolution in the most immediate period;

• Propaganda and agitation to inspire the masses into action
• Political education and cadreship development to develop leadership and supply all layers of our society with quality cadres
• Strong organization and mass action on the ground to fight and win in the real battlefield of struggle

What a brief and correct summary of what should be done. No other outline could be better than that in your own discussion documents. I hope you all have thoroughly digested and understood the documents, because they really contain the core of what we need to do, and shall be doing in the coming period. By this I am equally referring to PUDEMO cadres who, I should suppose have also read them with a full understanding.


PUDEMO in the next few months shall be holding its Annual National Conference. What we want to say is that this one shall be a totally different conference from all the others, both in its form of organizational quality, as well as its political content and quality of debates. The process towards it shall be characterised by popular assemblies of the poor and struggling masses to discuss what outcomes they would like to see from the conference and to answer the question, what should be done? themselves. All structures of the movement shall be expected to lead this offensive in their own communities. The outcomes should be a popular platform of action, upon which a popular movement should be launched and sustained under the political leadership of PUDEMO.

The process towards it has already started and it is rapidly unfolding at all levels. This Congress is but one of them in a sense, because certainly we shall benefit from the quality of the discussion that shall constitute a key part of this historic gathering. We have identified five critical areas which were identified by the Piet Retief Conference in April, 2003, which I will put in the form of questions as follows;

• What kind of a PUDEMO is required to lead the Swazi struggle

(Building PUDEMO to lead the masses and Swazi society as a whole)

• How do we deepen progressive hegemony in our society, whilst at the same time, rolling back the poisonous virus of royal hegemony in all aspects of Swazi society to win the hearts and minds of the people for a new society

(Deepening and rooting a culture of democracy and mass participation as a way of life in all spheres of Swazi society)

• How do we transform gender relations and land ownership patterns in our country, so as to qualitatively transform the whole society and re-organise the way of life of our people

(Gender Equality and land reform for social transformation)

• What is the alternative economic system we are fighting for, which shall guarantee all our people an improved quality of life

(Development through growth, investment and redistribution of the wealth)

• What kind of a world order are we fighting for and in what way is this struggle reinforced by the one we are waging in Swaziland, given the global balance of forces

(International solidarity for democracy in Swaziland, sovereign development in Africa and justice in global governance)

This five-point action plan is the core of our transition programme.


Conclusion

Certainly comrades, from the above tasks flow the reality of the fact that, “there is so much to be done, but there are few of us in the field”, as the bible would say. Let us indeed all be first in commitment, first in sacrifice and first in discipline in practical action as SWAYOCO motto states.

We call upon all cadres of this movement to stand up to its defence, the forces of reaction are on the offensive and we must defend the ideals of PUDEMO as articulated in the people’s manifesto. There is no other time to prove our war-readiness for the cause of our people.

If this Congress is to be judged as successful by future generations, it must be because it correctly responded to the question, what should be done. It must give the marching orders to the thousands of cadres in the battlefield, who are eager to know what is the next course of action in the liberation process.

The mass of our people are waiting to hear what is the message from this Congress, we cannot therefore miss this historic opportunity to communicate properly the message of hope and inspiration. The key message we must send to all and everybody is that the time for liberation cannot be postponed any further. Our country has bled enough, has been plundered and looted enough, we need to act now to save it from degenerating to extreme levels of political savage, into which the royal supremacists are leading it.

The following are the most immediate activities of our movement;

• 6th July anniversary – the birth date of our movement is always an important day in our political calendar and as already outlined, the activities in the programme are on course. This year marks the 21st anniversary of PUDEMO.
• August – in our political calendar this month is a HEROES month, because we use it to remember our fallen heroes, whilst at the same time it is also a month of SWAYOCO’s birth.
• September – we shall be holding our Annual National Conference, work must intensify in this regard. The Imvuselelo Plan (PUDEMO’s Organisational Renewal Plan shall be clearly articulated).
• October – December, this period shall mark a series of activities which shall be announced in due course by the NEC, and all cadres are informed to be at their posts mobilizing our people.

By this brief note, we wish your Congress all the best. Amandla!!

Basic conditions for a legitimate and acceptable constitutional solution to the crisis in the country

People’s United Democratic Movement
Basic conditions for a legitimate and acceptable constitutional solution to the crisis in the country
2004

Introduction

‘In keeping with this noble resolve, we welcome any genuine invitation to all organised formations, registered and unregistered, to a properly constituted and representative constitutional forum that will be mandated to work the wayforward for Swaziland. However, to safeguard against a repeat of the political blackmail and socio-economic evils of the tinkhundla legacy, there are important pre-conditions that should be satisfied.” (PUDEMO document on the wayforward towards a constituent assembly through a negotiated settlement issued in 1992.)

Since its formation in 1983, PUDEMO has always been willing and ready to engage the tinkhundla regime in a serious process of negotiations for change in Swaziland. Even in this year of its 20th anniversary, it still remains willing and ready to engage the tinkhundla regime and all stakeholders in a serious process of negotiations.

In this regard, PUDEMO has consistently stated that for the process of constitutional change to be legitimate and broadly acceptable, it must be broad based, all-inclusive and free, in order to guarantee the full and effective participation of all the people of Swaziland in a process they should own and drive.

This means that the process is as important to the outcome as is the content itself. What the constitution says about the future Swaziland and how it will look like and in whose interest it will be shaped, is as much important as how was it made, by who and for who.

This requires that the regime must demonstrate beyond doubt its commitment to the peaceful transition to democracy in Swaziland. Further, the terms of reference and related processes, such as conflict resolution mechanisms and methods of operation must be clarified and adopted with the full participation of all stakeholders.

The king’s constitution and the future of Swaziland

Consistently, PUDEMO has maintained that it is committed to the creation of a political system based on the universal principles of multiparty democracy. In our historic document, the People’s manifesto, which has been the guiding document of the movement since its formation in 1983, we affirmed in no uncertain terms that the participation of all the people in the running of the country’s affairs is central to real progress towards change in Swaziland.

The king is about to announce the constitution that he commissioned in 1996. The basis upon which this constitution was founded included, amongst other things;
Hostile political environment; arrests, detentions, torture and systematic persecution of innocent people for their belief in democracy
Lack of basic freedoms to _expression, assembly, organisation and the general state of fear and reign of terror enforced by the 1973 king’s decree
Systematic and organised offensive against any semblance of judicial independence, media criticism, worker’s organised power and all the institutions that work to protect the interest of the people, in the absence of formal political space in the form of political parties
Continued dominance of the political stage by members of the royal family and their friends, hence the overwhelming dominance of princes, chiefs, princesses and hangers-on of the system in the constitutional team and related commissions.

Systematic propaganda demonising multiparty democratic as evil, foreign and divisive in order to instil a sense of loyalty to the tinkhundla system. This was made possible by the regime’s limitless access to the media which became the key instrument of character assassination against the progressive movement which enjoys no access to the media.
Political parties and political space in general remain closed, such that free political debate has not been possible to ensure the mass involvement of the majority of the people of Swaziland

These and many others reasons led to the principled stand and position of the progressive movement in general, PUDEMO in particular, which said that the process cannot deliver the real solution to the serious political and constitutional problems of the country. The overwhelming majority of the people of Swaziland in their organised and unorganised forums expressed their unequivocal rejection of the process, as a window-dressing mechanism of the system to renew, rather than abolish the system of royal oppression.

This position was supported by the whole international community of civilised and peace-loving humanity which reaffirmed it support for a process underpinned by the pre-conditions laid out in the PUDEMO document, the Wayforward towards a constituent assembly through a negotiated settlement.

Therefore, it is clear that the expected outcome from the king’s royal projects has no legitimacy and is not viewed by the majority of the people of Swaziland as the solution to the situation of their country, particularly because it excluded them in this important exercise.

PUDEMO calls upon the people of Swaziland and the international community to remain firm in their position that a legitimate constitution for Swaziland can only be a product of full and effective participation of the mass of the people and their organised representations. This can be the only basis for a real and serious alternative for Swaziland.

This should lay basis for immediate advance towards a multiparty
democratic dispensation for Swaziland. This means that a democratically elected constituent assembly rather than handpicked royal stooges can draft a legitimate constitution for the country, which could enjoy the overwhelming support of the majority of the people of Swaziland. An imposed constitution under the barrel of a gun and draconian laws, will not serve the purpose, instead it will short-circuit the process or even
abort it, much to the detriment of the country’s future.

What PUDEMO demands and what it expects from the king on Saturday

The real solution lies with, first of all, accepting that the real problem in Swaziland is political and that the people cannot be excluded forever in the resolution of the country’s problems.

In this regard, PUDEMO expects that the king’s announcement on Saturday should have the following key elements of commitment;

Time-frames and clear processes for a national forum of all stakeholders in Swaziland to discuss the future of the country; political parties, trade unions, women and youth organisations, religious and faith-based organisations, business, professional and academic institutions, etc;
Time-frames for the removal of all laws that militate against democratic change, in particular the most problematic elements of the 1973 king’s decree;
Time-frames for a transitional authority in Swaziland to oversee the smooth process of change;
Immediate guarantee of the most basic rights for all; free expression,
free assembly, free organisation, etc;

Our call to the international community

PUDEMO in its recent conference held in Piet Retief committed itself to the continental initiatives; the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s development (NEPAD). These initiatives, particularly the African Peer Review mechanism is very central to the process of democratisation and upholding of high standards of governance in Africa. PUDEMO supports these initiatives out of the common belief that they can take the continent forward and have been supported by the whole
international community as a good basis for the renewal of our continent.

Therefore, our support for NEPAD is a support for universally accepted standards of democracy. It is a commitment to the most civilised traditions of governance. In the words of NEPAD itself, “Africa undertakes to respect the global standards of democracy, the core components of which include; political pluralism, allowing for the existence of several political parties and worker’s unions, and fair, open and democratic
elections periodically organised to enable people to choose their leaders freely”. (NEPAD, democracy and political governance initiative, pp 17)

Therefore, the democratisation of Swaziland shall be both a local expression of a changing world and part of a struggle for renewed effortsaimed at international peace, justice and democracy. It is our own contribution to the worldwide effort for human dignity, democracy and peace.

This means that the international community is morally and politically obliged to be part of this historical effort and contribution. It is called upon by the people of Swaziland to play its part in defending the ideals laid out in the AU constitutive act and NEPAD for the creation of democratic and good governance in Africa.

At this hour of darkness, the people of Swaziland need your support in their efforts. They have demonstrated their unequivocal determination to make Swaziland a democratic and prosperous society among other nations of this emerging continent.

These standards that have been proven to represent the best traditions of human development must be upheld and defended everywhere, and that time is now in Swaziland.

Conclusion

“Today, the people of Swaziland stand on the threshold of a critical strategic rubicon. Those who remain addicted to tinkhundla experiments such as the proposed constitution apparatus that the regime intends to parade, will invariably fall by the wayside. We therefore, call upon his majesty the king to abandon the tinkhundla dinosaur, to rise to the
occasion and provide the quality leadership and political wisdom required at this time of great challenge.”

PUDEMO document on the wayforward towards a constituent assembly through a negotiated settlement published in 1992.

The document continues to elaborate on PUDEMO’s long standing commitment to a political situation in Swaziland. But it is PUDEMO’s belief that the regime’s present initiative of cosmetic reforms is buying time and space for continued tinkhundla rule.

In essence, the question of whether there is serious and meaningful dialogue or not depends on the attitude of the tinkhundla regime, not on PUDEMO. If the regime is serious about dialogue it would create a climate for talks, so that the people in their representative organs can decide the future of their country.

Finally, PUDEMO insists that only a sovereign legitimate body can draw up a new constitution for Swaziland. This will have to involve all Swazis participating in the actual formulation and work of the sovereign constituent assembly.

PUDEMO CONFERENCE RESOLUTIONS

PUDEMO CONFERENCE RESOLUTIONS

As adopted at the Annual National Conference held on the 25th – 27th April 2003, at Piet Retief in the Republic of South Africa.

Year of the People’s manifesto:
20 years of popular struggles for democracy, social justice and people’s power in Swaziland

“In any struggle it is important to recognise the critical moment, the time when decisive action can propel the struggle into a new phase…and when the moment of revolution arrives, only a political organisation which has been with the people through all their earlier experiences can hope to command their support”

PUDEMO President, Cde Mario Masuku - Political Report to the Conference

Preamble

We, the popular assembly of the struggling masses of Swaziland, committed to the liberation of the oppressed people of Swaziland, hereby adopt these resolutions, as a practical elaboration of the People’s manifesto and pledge to work together, using our organised strength to implement them
and guarantee our ultimate victory. In doing so, we are inspired by the following background:

Our people want freedom now. The want to govern and decide the future of their country today and not tomorrow. They have lost all patience with the ideas that their liberation can be postponed for any reason whatsoever. To them, life means dignity and happiness, and for that, they are prepared to sacrifice.

For 20 years now, PUDEMO has been in the forefront of organised resistance against; poverty, violence against women and children, the abuse of Swazi culture for narrow selfish royal interests, HIV and AIDS pandemic, landlesness, unemployment, expensive education and health fees, poor working conditions, in one word; the permanent crisis of the tinkhundla regime. In doing so, PUDEMO has been correctly expressing the will of the
poor and struggling masses of Swaziland, as the leader of their movement for change.

In this regard, we who are gathered here are the trusted sons and daughters of these heroic masses, the vanguard of the broad movement for democracy in Swaziland. We are assembled to launch a People’s offensive against 30 years of royal slavery and tinkhundla oppression in Swaziland.

“The eyes of the people and the rest of the world, both friend and enemy, are focussed on this movement. That is so because the crime of tinkhundla has persisted for far too long. Almost everywhere people are convinced that this marks the beginning of the end of tinkhundla. Everyone recognises that the pioneer of the Swazi revolution, PUDEMO, is and will be at the centre of the process which will result in the overthrow of tinkhundla and the elimination of the crime of royal supremacy”
(6th General Congress declaration of SWAYOCO)

Table of contents:

Political Resolutions
Organisation-building Resolutions
Resolutions on Finance and resource-mobilisation
International Resolutions
Special Resolution on the War in Iraq
By-elections of the National Executive Committee

Political Resolutions

Noting that;

The tinkhundla regime is facing a deep and permanent crisis forcing the royal regime to attempt to overhaul the system
The crisis of the system gives rise to on-going struggle and expose the contradictions of the regime The tinkhundla regime has a well-oiled machinery in financial and political terms, owing to their control of the state apparatus, particularly the security forces, civil service, key sectors of the economy and a traditional base of loyalists The land crisis have deepened in the country and the mass of the rural poor and working people of Swaziland are united in their struggle to resist the onslaught;
Mass action inspired by workers, youth, communities, as well as civic and political organisations has made it clear that the people cannot be excluded from deciding the future of their country;
The political balance of forces have never been so favourable in the country, which opens space for intensified mass action and organisation of the people.

Further noting that;

The forces of democracy, political and otherwise, are not yet in a position to seriously challenge for power although large sections of our people clearly see the tinkhundla regime as having no legitimacy. We are therefore near, yet so far form our goal of democracy Major forces internationally and regionally are seeking a way in which to effect a compromise between the contending forces, which might not necessarily be favourable to the long-term interests of the poor masses The tinkhundla regime is daily accepting that it can not rule in the old way anymore as the people demand what rightfully belongs to them.

Believing that;

The decisive moment is upon Swaziland and the need for quality leadership of the forces of struggle is critical There is an urgent need to co-ordinate all the massive efforts of the
struggling people of Swaziland into a single major movement for
fundamental change and democracy, by uniting all these struggles into one movement.

Therefore resolved;

To organise as matter of priority, all the masses into forums and structures of mass resistance, for effective participation in the national struggle for democracy;

To simplify and distribute our documents, particularly by translating them into Siswati, for effective understanding by the mass of the rural and working people of our country;

To develop immediately, Propaganda units in all structures to co-ordinate the work of communication and information to and from the masses. This shall ensure that PUDEMO really speak on behalf of, and for the overwhelming majority of our people;

To intensify the Land to the People - Umhlaba awubuyele kubantfu Campaign of the movement in order to mobilise the mass of the rural people around their own interests and issues of central importance to their own lives;

To build the public image of PUDEMO and to profile its leadership and documents as the real alternative, understood and accepted by the majority of the people of Swaziland

To ensure the full and effective understanding of the fundamental elements of our political vision as;
Building PUDEMO’s political capacity to lead the masses
Mass mobilisation and a culture of democracy in our society
Gender equality and land reform as central elements of social
transformation Development through growth and redistribution of the economy International solidarity for democracy in Swaziland, sovereign development in Africa and justice in global governance.

To mandate the NEC to ensure that the office of the President, within a month from now, establish a Liberation Council, to develop a clear, practical and time-framed liberation programme, ensuring the effective and full implementation of the four pillars of our struggle;

To mandate the NEC to ensure that the SDA is built as a political front for the democratisation of Swaziland, through convening an urgent forum of all stakeholders to deliberate seriously about the future of the SDA and the whole struggle of Swaziland;

To mandate the NEC to urgently meet with the leadership of the SFTU, to iron out a few issues concerning the pace, direction and future of the Swazi struggle, particularly the contribution that these two organisations can and must make, in close co-operation with all structures of the mass democratic movement organised under the auspices of the SDA;

To ensure a Political education manual is finalised and ready for use by the end of June for the organisation of standardised political education classes

To ensure the NEC, RECs, BECs and the leagues of PUDEMO organise and co-ordinate a sustained movement for political education, within and outside PUDEMO structures, in order to organise for the mass rejection of tinkhundla through mass awareness of issues;

To organise Induction classes for all new and non-inducted members of PUDEMO, monthly in all structures, so as to instill a clear understanding of the objectives of PUDEMO and the Swazi struggle in general, as well as to ensure a cadreship rooted in traditions of discipline and political maturity;

To facilitate the work of building a socio-economic justice and civic movement, so as to organise the mass of the people around their own issues in communities and in their places of work, learning, entertainment and general occupation, as sites of struggle. Central to this movement are issues of; poverty and the struggle for dignity of rural people, unemployment and social security for all, health and access to treatment for all, gender and women’s struggles, land and agrarian reform, etc.


Further resolved;

To re-affirm our fundamental perspectives and commitment to a
democratically elected Constituent Assembly, preceded by a national Convention of all stakeholders and supported by the international community, as a pre-condition for the resolution of the Political and Constitutional crisis in the country;

To re-affirm our rejection of the royal-supervised tinkhundla elections and call for multiparty democracy as the foundation for any serious and legitimate electoral process in Swaziland;


To demand the unbanning of political parties and the full participation of civil society in any process as the basic yardstick for real advance to democracy in Swaziland.

To re-commit ourselves to the basic thrust of a transformation process in Swaziland underpinned by the perspectives as outlined in the Strategy and tactics document of PUDEMO adopted in 2001, under the topic; “the character of the transitional period in Swaziland”, as well as the historical document of PUDEMO entitled, “the wayforward towards a Constituent assembly through a negotiated settlement”;

To convene a PUDEMO Constitutional workshop to finalise the process started by the organisation in the early nineties and to consolidate its progressive perspective, particularly after the scenario analysis made at the Conference by delegates, and then popularise these perspectives;

Organisation-building Resolutions

Noting that;

PUDEMO is commemorating its 20th anniversary this year and that the movement has passed the test of time, with its cadres having been through the trials and tribulations in the forefront of the Swazi people’s struggle;
This year should be dedicated to the memory of our fallen heroes and heroines, for their remarkable sacrifices till the end;
20 years of struggle presents both opportunities and challenges to PUDEMO, as the struggle of the people has heightened to its peak and requires even firmer and bold leadership
PUDEMO’s capacity to lead the masses in frontline trenches of struggle has been stretched, thus requiring serious organisation-building work;
The re-launch of the Women’s league of PUDEMO as a significant step in the history of the struggle for the liberation of women and all efforts must be made to strengthen and support the work done

Further noting that;

Communication remains a serious problem within PUDEMO structures, between the organisation and the mass of the people of Swaziland, as well as with the international community;
There is no respect for organisational culture and activities of PUDEMO by some of its members and structures, which promotes a culture of non-compliance and lack of effective participation in the daily work of PUDEMO Leaders and structures are no accountable and do not report-back to proper structures on their activities Discipline is a still a very serious matter that needs particular attention in PUDEMO structures at all levels, which is linked to the issue of building a new and politically mature cadre, inspiring confidence and representing the future society we are in the process of building;
Gender relations within the organisation require serious improvement, so that women comrades can feel at home in PUDEMO, personally and politically, as PUDEMO must work to champion their interests and fight sexism and discrimination in all its forms, in the organisation and society as whole;
Branches and regions of PUDEMO are still very weak and an aggressive effort is required to change this unacceptable scenario through an aggressive effort and vigorous organisational strategy

Believing that;

PUDEMO still remains the most credible and viable political vehicle for change in Swaziland, enjoying the overwhelming support of the struggling masses of the country, as well as unequalled international recognition PUDEMO has the most extensive network of political structures in and outside Swaziland, therefore capable of marshalling the widest possible
support for the cause of democracy and change in Swaziland, through proper co-ordination and boldness of leadership
PUDEMO has started a very intensive process of organisational renewal, led by the office of the Secretary General, which has, up to so far, yielded enormous fruits and has been able to position the movement properly in the unfolding situation in the country, not without its own limitations, of course.

Therefore resolved;

To organise popular commemoration events for the 20th anniversary of PUDEMO throughout all structures of the movement, in and outside the country, which shall culminate into the 6th July activities which mark the actual day of PUDEMO’s birth.

To ensure the involvement of the mass of the people in the activities organised for this day, in recognition of the fact that this is not just about the history of PUDEMO as an organisation, but really about the history of struggle and resistance against royal slavery and tinkhundla tyranny by the masses themselves under the heroic leadership of PUDEMO, as
their vanguard;

To further ensure that in recognition and celebration of these 20 years of steadfast and consistent struggles, PUDEMO must fast track the process of organisational renewal and cadreship development at all levels for quality leadership;

To establish a National General Council (NGC) as an upgraded model of the former Inter-regional forum, which shall continue to exist and operate in the office of NOS, as an organising body, while the National General Council shall meet every six months and be constituted by the NEC, all RECs, two delegates per BEC, the leagues (SWAYOCO & the WL), sector representatives for special interests (rural, academic, sports, religious,
business, etc), deployees of the movement and selected cadres of PUDEMO operating in different sites of struggles, as shall be determined by the NEC.

To ensure that the NGC is tasked with the responsibility of promoting regular reporting by NEC members on progress relating to their specific and individual departments, as well as the progress of the NEC as a collective.

To effect the policy of PUDEMO as stated by the constitution of PUDEMO which outlines clearly that any member of the NEC or subsidiary structure of the movement, who miss three consecutive meetings without offering a valid excuse, shall forfeit his position. Therefore, the problem of people missing important meetings and not prioritising the work of PUDEMO should be dealt with in accordance with the documents of the movement;

To promote the election of leadership into PUDEMO positions through a proper process of screening and that certain basic principles apply, amongst them; regularity in PUDEMO activities, consistent participation in the work of the organisation, branch membership, up-to-date subscription records and respect for PUDEMO tasks and policies;

To ensure that PUDEMO-SWAYOCO-Women’s League structures meet regularly, in the Form of a Leadership Forum or Summit quarterly, to assess progress and co-ordinate work amongst these structures, so as to build support and co-operation amongst them.

Further resolved;

To organise vibrant debates on political and policy matters within and outside structures of the organisation, so that policy outcomes are a real _expression of the full participation of all our members and the people of Swaziland as a whole, in deciding the future of their country and people.

To promote tolerance and differing views, whilst sticking to fundamental principles central to the interests of the poor, which also includes respect for each other and unity in diversity;

To finalise the organisation’s code of conduct in order to establish standard norms and acceptable behaviour in our organisation and society in general;

To ensure all RECs organise induction workshops before the Policy Conference in September, to ensure systematic leadership building and shared vision of the organisation by all its members and society as a whole;

To ensure every member of PUDEMO, particularly leaders, must have a traceable base and branch, to which s/he account for his/her daily contribution to PUDEMO and the struggle as a whole;

To ensure PUDEMO NEC develop a Gender manual to guide structures of the movement on the work of gender development and social consciousness in general, with the women’s league being central to its development;

To ensure that all structures of PUDEMO; NEC, RECs, and BECs must have effective communication centres and strategy for the effective distribution of information to all members of PUDEMO regularly and on time;

To mandate the Office of the President to establish a Presidential Forum, comprising of all regional chairpersons and their deputies to formulate strategies of effective leadership and cohesion in the organisation.
Presidents and deputies of the leagues should also form part of this structure;

To mandate the office of the Secretary General to establish a Secretariat Forum, which involves all regional secretaries and their Deputies, to work out a strategy of organisation-building, communication and co-ordination of work. Secretaries General of the Leagues and their deputies should also form part of this body;

To ensure that all the other departments of PUDEMO develop such
structures and Forums, so as to allow for the proper co-ordination of all activities and accountability of all structures on progress;

To ensure that all structures of PUDEMO support the work of the women’s league and actively participate in the mobilisation of women, particularly the recruitment of working class women, as the most central pillar of this movement;

To ensure that all RECs of PUDEMO should have annual calendar of
activities to guarantee proper planning and organised work;

To any member of PUDEMO, SWAYOCO, the Women’s League and the Swazis who are in the SSN, who is disciplined by one of these structures shall cease to enjoy participation or any benefit in all of the structures. In this regard, a disciplinary process in one of these organisations has the same effect in any of these others;

To encourage members of PUDEMO to belong to, and actively participate in civil society structures and community organisations, particularly churches, cultural organisations, social and civic movements, educational and academic bodies, residents associations, youth and students organisations, co-operatives and women’s organisations, trade unions, etc;

To ensure that all branches of PUDEMO conduct monthly political education classes and induction courses for new members on amongst other things;
The history of PUDEMO and the struggle for democracy in Swaziland,
The colours and emblem of PUDEMO and what they stand for,
Theory of organisation-building and mass mobilisation,
The political economy of Swaziland,
Social issues and campaigns (HIV/AIDS, poverty, land ownership patterns in
Swaziland, free education campaign, access to health and treatment),
Working class struggle, trade union theory and the history of may day,
Gender equality and the struggle for women’s emancipation,
Culture, the development of ideas and social consciousness, and,
International solidarity.

To refer constitutional amendments to the Policy Conference in September, 2003. All structures; RECs, SWAYOCO, Women’s league, etc are expected to prepare, in writing, their inputs, which must reflect their discussions and preparedness. They should submit to the office of the Secretary General as soon as possible.

To ensure that all regions of PUDEMO have the capacity to carry out programmes and campaigns of the movement, while also ensuring that implementation of these resolutions is consistent.

To convene a national implementation Workshop on these resolutions for the internalisation of these outcomes by regions and branches, as well as the leagues of PUDEMO. Regions and branches shall also ensure the same in their own spheres of work.


To ensure that by July, 2003 PUDEMO should have developed an
Implementation strategy, which shall outline clearly the targets, time-frames and monitoring, as well as evaluation mechanisms.


Resolutions on Finance and the mobilisation of resources

Noting that;

PUDEMO use a hand-to-mouth or survivalist strategy to finance programmes, such that it does not have a clearly co-ordinated and coherent fundraising programme, with clear time-frames and targets;
The process of accountability needs further improvement and proper accounting, recording and management systems be put in place soonest;
Programmes of the movement are frustrated by lack of resources, hence the slow progress in the implementation of PUDEMO programmes on the ground;
PUDEMO structures, particularly the Lubombo region, played an outstanding role in the sustenance of the Masuku family during the difficult times when the President – Cde Mario Masuku was in jail, which must be acknowledged and dearly appreciated, as well as other individual comrades, in and outside the country who made remarkable contributions;
There is a need to ensure that all financial contributions are given to appropriate structures for proper recording and to avoid undermining structures dealing with such matters, in the future;

Believing that;

PUDEMO must be financially independent and self-sufficient, if it is to be able to assert its political and organisational independence;
PUDEMO must rely, first and foremost, on internal capacity building to harness the massive resource potential within the organisation, in order to build a strong base for further fundraising and capacity building towards effective resource management and organisational development;
Resources play a critical role in determining both the pace and direction of struggle, such that the urgency of their mobilisation has reached a crisis point.

Further believing that;

For PUDEMO, resources means more than just money, but everything that is useful or add value to the work of the organisation, be it; human, financial, material or natural.

Therefore resolved:

To mandate the NEC, through the office of the Treasurer, to develop a well co-ordinated and time-framed finance and fundraising policy of PUDEMO;

To organise a FINANCE workshop with all regions and leagues of PUDEMO, not later than July this year, for purposes of developing a well co-ordinated machinery at all levels;

To ensure that the National Finance Policy that must be developed should clarify amongst others; proper accounting procedures, targets, time-frames, periodic auditing of PUDEMO accounts, management and finance systems, capacity building, internal collections and subscriptions, investment and fundraising mechanisms, etc.

To establish a Finance Committee (FINCOM) to lead the processes of fundraising and finance management in the organisation. It may have the two divisions namely;
Investment and long-term projects
Fundraising and short-term projects for immediate and on-going needs of PUDEMO

To ensure properly audited statements are presented in the next Financial Reports of the Treasurer, clearly outlining the income and expenditure breakdowns;

To ensure PUDEMO has annual budgets, particularly at National and Regional Levels, indicating; plans of the year, available resources, potential and real sources of funding, as well as plans to make up for the unavailable resources;

Further resolved that;

The task of fundraising and finance mobilisation is a political
responsibility and must be given the serious attention it deserves by all cadres and structures of PUDEMO.

International Resolutions

Noting that;

International work is a pillar of our struggle and very central to our victory;
The international mission of PUDEMO has grown from strength to strength and by leaps and bounds, which has put our struggle at an unprecedented level of recognition internationally;
Our South African allies, particularly the ANC, SACP, COSATU and all structures of the mass democratic movement, have displayed outstanding internationalism in support of our cause, which has inspired us to intensify our struggle in the home front;
The international balance of forces have never been so favourable to our struggle, which opens space for more advances, whilst also presenting dangers for PUDEMO and the democratic movement in general, as regards the dominance of neo-liberalism and the advocating of political democracy without economic content, which may compromise our fundamental principles
Matters of discipline and proper representation need to be emphasised to our international ambassadors, as well as the need for effective regulation and monitoring of work performance, which requires that such matters receive priority status in the structures of the movement.
Recognise the tremendous achievements of the PUDEMO mission to Europe led by President Mario Masuku at the end of last year, and work to take forward the successes and programmes arising from that mission.
SWAYOCO’s effective utilisation of its international affiliations and associations to advance the struggle of Swaziland.

Further noting,

The African continent is undergoing a serious process of fundamental transformation and democratisation, hence the continental initiatives; the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), particularly the peer review mechanism, as instruments and space
for the advancement of the agenda for democracy and development in Africa.

Believing that;

For us as PUDEMO, international solidarity is more than just the active mobilisation of people to support the Swazi cause, but fundamentally, it is about working together with our allies all over the world to build a better world, and to bring to an end the suffering of people everywhere.

The international solidarity mission of PUDEMO must play a central role in the mobilisation of resources for the struggle at this juncture.
The International mission of PUDEMO and the Swaziland Solidarity Network have played an important role in the active mobilisation of support for PUDEMO and the Swazi struggle in general
Exemplary discipline is required of all PUDEMO members, inside and outside the country and appropriate steps should be taken firmly and timeously to intervene in areas where such standards are not satisfactory.
The Socialist International (SI) is the most representative international body of progressive organisations, whose affiliations include; ANC, SWAPO, FRELIMO and a host of other progressive organisations in Africa and beyond.

Therefore resolved;

To develop an International Policy framework, to act as a guide for PUDEMO in its approaches to international matters, outlining its principles and objectives regarding international work, as well as guiding the work of our international representatives in terms of correct political associations and code of acceptable behaviour as ambassadors of the democracy-loving people of Swaziland;

To join the SI as an expression of our commitment to the task of building a just and democratic world, as well as to work closer with our international allies, particularly in the Southern African region, who are part of this movement;

To arrange several briefing missions of PUDEMO to other parts of the world, not least in Europe, USA and throughout the African continent, with Southern Africa as a our priority area of operation;

To mandate the NEC of PUDEMO, in liaison with appropriate structures of the movement outside the country and the SSN, to work on the issue of proper discipline of all cadres and structures of the movement, particularly outside the country;

To actively make full use of the platform and space provided by the continental initiatives; AU and NEPAD for the advancement of the Swazi struggle for democracy. We also seek to mobilise the mass of the people of Swaziland to actively participate in the movement for Africa’s renewal;


To call on all multilateral institutions and organisations to support the cause of the people of Swaziland for democracy by suspending Swaziland and isolating the tinkhundla regime, as well as to expose the double standards governing world affairs. In particular to expose the hypocritic role of such countries as; Britain, Israel and Taiwan in the affairs of Swaziland,
as well as the commonwealth, which support the agenda of the tinkhundla system for the renewal of oppression against the people of Swaziland;

To ensure that comrades who are forced to leave Swaziland, because of the brutality of the state and a threat to their lives, are regulated by the NEC and are properly accredited to become exiles in their countries of refuge, with the full assistance of PUDEMO international mission and allies. In this regard, no comrade who holds citizenship of another ountry should be accredited as an exile, subject to specific
considerations by the NEC;

To encourage more international bodies and institutions to send
fact-finding missions to Swaziland to expose the reality of the situation and brutality of the tinkhundla regime to the world, and to work on systematic information dissemination to international role players;

To prepare a case against the Swazi regime to be filed in international bodies, particularly the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACPHR) in conjunction with local and international institutions;

To support the struggles of fellow oppressed people in Western Sahara, Sudan, Palestine and other parts of the world for self-determination, democracy and human dignity;

To support the worldwide movement against women and children abuse, as well as the struggle for social justice in global affairs. In this regard, the ILO conventions and other UN instruments must be enforced to protect the dignity of women and children, not least in Swaziland;

To call on the UN to enforce the effective adherence of Israel to UN resolutions, particularly concerning the withdrawal from the occupied territories and the ultimate advance towards the creation of an independent Palestinian state.

To support the call for the cancellation of the third world debt and the socio-economic justice movement against the unfair trade and economic practices;

To support the global efforts for environmental justice and the commitment to the preservation and protection of our natural heritage;

To support the call for pharmaceutical companies, governments and all role players to share the responsibility of fighting the HIV and AIDS pandemic. In this regard, the HIV and AIDS issue is more than just a health issue, but a political and economic issue which requires a deeper understanding of the link between general health and political issues in the world;

To support all international efforts against the arming of space, proliferation of nuclear weapons and degradation of the environment and call upon all democratic forces of the world to unite against all such threats to humanity;

To support the efforts aimed at bringing peace, democracy and development in Africa, in particular, the Great lakes region and call upon the UN to act speedily in support of the AU efforts for peace-keeping in the DRC;

To call for the implementation of the World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) outcomes and to make available the requisite resources for development, particularly in the poor countries of the world, which are largely found in the Sub-Sahara region, whilst at the same time ensuring that corrupt elites are not in a position to access and abuse these resources, meant for the poor;

To organise a NEPAD workshop for PUDEMO members and leaders, so that the processes unfolding can be properly understood by the movement and all the people of Swaziland;

To formalise the establishment of an international affairs office in PUDEMO structures, to effectively harness all the international activities of PUDEMO.



Conclusion

“Who can deny that the decisive moment is upon Swaziland, that moment which in every revolution must be seized with firmness by the forces of revolution to carry out the task of ultimately liquidating the system of oppression, and in its place beginning the protracted battle of building a new and democratic society.”
Cde Mario Masuku



Special Resolution on the US-led war against Iraq

Noting,

The unilateral and uni-polar world order founded on the basis of forced compliance with the powers that be and the rule of the mighty.

Believing,

That the world order must be changed to become democratic, just and driven by the principles of; multilateralism, respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty of all states, particularly small countries, without forfeiting the responsibility to ensure democracy and respect for human
rights within these states.

Therefore, resolved

To support the worldwide peace and democracy movement and the call for a halt to the sharply increasing military expenditures, so as to spend more resources on the needs of the people in all countries of the world.

To condemn the use of force in resolving international disputes and the unilateralism of powerful countries to the detriment of legitimate international bodies such as the UN multilateral processes.

To condemn the war in Iraq as an _expression of imperialism, which has nothing to do with democracy and enforcement of UN resolutions.

To call for the application of same standards in the call for democracy in the world, so that the pressure for democracy in Swaziland is as much as that in Zimbabwe, the pressure for democracy in Saudi Arabia and Pakistan is as much as that in Iraq, and other such examples, which have become the main centres of gravity on the international political stage.

To call for the demonstration of seriousness on the part of all players in the middle east crisis, particularly the powers of the world must demonstrate more will to resolve seriously the question of bringing about peace and reprimanding the sub-imperialist aggression of Israel in that region.

To call for the standard definition of terrorism and the application of fair standards in the course of the war against terrorism, and not its use as a weapon to hunt down regimes that are not in good standing with the powers of the world.


By-elections of the vacant NEC positions

One of the tasks of this Conference was to fill-in the vacant positions in the National Executive Committee (NEC). Therefore, the following were filled as follows:

Deputy President – Cde Jabulane Arafat Matsebula
National Organising Secretary – Cde Dumsile Mavuso
Treasurer General – The Deputy Treasurer, Cde Dumezweni Dlamini shall continue to act as Treasurer of the organisation.

Therefore, the National Executive Committee (NEC) of PUDEMO stands as follows:

President – Cde Mario Masuku
Deputy President – Cde Jabulane Matsebula
Secretary General – Cde IB Dlamini
Deputy Secretary General – Cde Kislon Shongwe
Deputy Treasurer and acting Treasurer General – Cde Dumezweni Dlamini
National Organising Secretary – Cde Dumsile Mavuso

Plus the ex-officio members:

SWAYOCO President
SWAYOCO Secretary General
Women’s League President
Women’s league Secretary General
Chairpersons of all four regions

NB: Since the constitutional amendments were referred to the September Policy Conference, the positions relating to the specific portfolios could not be finalised.

Forward to the Year of the People’s offensive for democracy!

EMBILI MASWATI!!